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Tl-IE –

AMERICAN- WOMAN’S HOllE:

on,

PRINCIPLES OF DOMESTIC SCIENCE;

DE ISO

A OCLDB TO TilE FORlfATlO~ AND MAINTENANCE OP ECONOliiCAL,

HEALTHFUL, DBAGTIPUL, AND CHRISTllN HOMES.

[~. ~ 1- C.t 8.’.)

· DY

CATIIARINE E. BEECHER •

AND

HARRIET BEECHEn STOWE.

..

• ,

NEW-YORK:

J. B. FORD AND COMPANY. •
BOSTON : II. A. BROWN & CO. .

1869 .

01Qit1Zed by Coogle

Enua.?, according to Act or CoDJrC$1, ln the 1ear 1800, b1

J . B. FORD .t CO.,

la t.he Olerk.’a omce ot t.ho DlaUict Oonrt or the Uo.Ued Stues for the Southern District

or New-York. .

S. W. GREEN,

1′ •'” ~• • .,. .., S ~• n-.:o7TJ’ I a,
U all.d IS J DCVII St'”l, N’ ow- ‘.,rk •

..

D~g1t1z d by Coogle

I

,

TllE W01IEN OF AMERICA,

m WU OSE JIA.NDB nEST TRE REAl· DEST11Ul~S OF TDE REP’CBLIC, AS
MOULDED BY THE EARLY TB.A.ININO AND PnESEnlED

.AmP TilE MATO RER TNFLUENCES OF JIOME,

Trns VOLUllE IS

AFFECTION ATEL I I NSC RIDED .

• •

THE AMERICAN WOMAN’S HolE.

INTRODUCTION.

To authors of this volume, while they sympathize with
every honest effort to relieve the disabilities and sufferings
of their sex, are confident that the chief cause of these
evils is the fact that the honor and duties of the family
state are not duly. appreciated, that women are not trained
for these duties as men are trained for their trades and
professions, and that, as the consequence, family labor is
poorly done, poorly paid, and r egarded as menial and dis-
graceful.

To be the nurse of young chilqren, a cook, or a house-
maid, is regarded as the lowest and last reaort of poverty,
and one which no woman of culture and position can as-
sume without loss of caste and respectability.

It is the aim of this volume to elevate both the honor
and the remuneration of all the employments that sustain
the many difficult and sacred duties of the family state,
and thus to render each department of woman’s true pro-
fession as much desired and resp ected as are the most
honored professions of men.

When the other sex are to be instructed in law, medi-
cine, or divinity, they are favored with numerous institu-
tions richly endowed, with teachers of the ·highest talents
and acquirements, with extensive libraries, and abundant
and costly apparatus. With such advantages they devote

D~g1t1z d by Coogle

14- TDE .AMERICAN WOMAiY’S HOME.

nearly ten of the best years of life to preparing themselves
for their profession; and to secure the public from unquali-
fied members of these professions, none can enter tl1em
until examined by a. competent body, who certify to their
due preparation for their duties.

Woman’s profession embraces the care and nursing of
the body in the critical periods of infancy and sickness,
the train~ng of the human min-d in the most impressible
period of childhood, the instruction and control of servants,
and most of the government and econom1es of the family
state. These duties of woman are as sacred and important
as any ordained to man; and yet n~ such advantages for
preparation have been accorded to her, nor is there any
qualified body to certify the public that a woman is duly
prepared to give proper instruction in her profession.

This unfortunate want, and also the questions frequently
asked concerning the domestic qualifications of both the
authors of this work, who have formerly ‘written upon snch
topics, make it needful to give some account of the advan-
tages they have enjoyed in preparation for the important
office assumed as teachers of woman’s domestic duties.

The sister whose name is subscribed is the eldest of niue
children by her own motller, and of four by her step-mo-
ther; and having a natural love for children, sbe found it
a pleasure na well as a duty to atd in the care of infancy
and childhood. At sixteen, she was deprived of a mother,
who was remarkable not only for intelligence and culture,
but for a natural taste and skill in · domestic handicraft.
Her pl~We was awhile filled by an aunt remarkable for her
habits of neatness and order, and especially for her econo-
my. She was, in tllC course of time, replaced by a step-
mother, who had been accustomed to a superior style of

· housekeeping, and was an expert in all departments of do-
mestic administration.

Under these successive housekeepers, the writer learned
not only to perform in the most approved manner all the

D~g1t1z d by Coogle

INTRODUCTION. 15

IIJ&nual employments of domestic life, but to honor and
enjoy these duties.

At twenty-three, she commenced the institution which
ever since has flourished as “The Hartford Female Semi~
nary,” where, at the age of twelve, the sister now united
with her in the authorship of this work be~ame her pupil,
and, after a few years, be~ associate. The r emoval of the
family to the West, and failure of health, ended a connec-
tion with the Hartford Seminary, and originated a similar
one in Cincinnati, of whiS!h the younger authoress of th.is
work was associate principal till her marriage.

_, At this time, the work on Domeat£o Economy, of which
this volume may be called an enlarged edition , although
a great portion of it is entirely new, embodying the latest
results of science, was prepared by the writer as a part of
the JftUaachtuett8 &lwol Library, and has since been ex-
tensively introduced as a text-book into public schools and
higher female seminaries. It was followed by its sequel,
The Domestic Rece£pt-Book, -widely circulated by the
Harpers in every State of the Union .

These two works have been entirely r emodeled, former
topics r ewritten, and many new ones introduced, so as
to include all that is properly embraced in a complete
Encyclopedia of ·Domestic Economy.

In addition to the opportunities m entioned, the elder
sister, for many years, has been studying the causes and
the r emedies for the decay of constitution and loss ·of
health so increasingly prevalent among American women,
aiming to promote the establishment of endowed institu-
tions, in which women shall be properly trained f or their ·
profession, as both housekeepers and health-keepers. What
advantages have thus been r eceived and the results thus
obtained will appear in succeeding pages .

During the upward progress of the nge, and the advance
of a more enligh tened Christianity, the writers of this
volume have gained more elevated views of the true miir

• •

16 TBE .AJ!ERIO..AN WOJCAN’S HO.JIE.

~ion of woman of the dignity and importance of her dis-
tinctive duties, and of the true happiness which will bo
the reward of a right appreciation of this mission, and a
proper performance of these duties.

There is at the present time an increasing agitation of the
public mind, e~ol ving many theories and some crude specu-
lations as to woman’s rights and duties. That there is a
great social and moral power in her keeping, which is now
seelcing expression by organization, is manifest, and that
resulting plans and efforts will involve some mistakes,
some collisions, and some failm·es, all must expect.

But “to intelligent, reflecting, and benevolent women-
whose faith rests on the character and· teachings of Jesus
Christ-there are great principles revealed by Him, which
in the end will secure the grand result which He taught
and suffered to achieve. It is hoped that in the following
pages these principles will be so exhibited and illustrated
as to aid in securing those rights and ad vantages which
Ohrist’s religion aims to provide for all, ~nd especially for
the most weak and defenseless of His children.

CATHARINE E. BEECHER.

• •

18 • THE .AMERIC~N JVOMAN S HOME .

Wbat, then, is the end designed by the family atate
which J esus Christ came into this ‘world to secure ~

It is to provide for the training of our race to the highest
p ossible intelligence, virtue, and h appiness, by means of
the self-sacrificing labors of the wise and good, and this
with chi ef r eferen ce to a future immortal existence.

The distinctive feature of the family is self-sacrificing
labor of the stronger and wiser members to raise t he •
weaker and more ignorant to equal advantages. The
father undergoes toil and self-denial to provide a. home,
and then the moth er becomes a self-sacrificing laborer to
train its inmates. The usel ess, t roublesome infant is
served in the humblest offices ; while both parents unite in
training it to an equality with themselves in every advan-
taO’e. Soon the older children b ecom e h elper s to raise the
younger to a level with th eir own. When any are sick,
those who are well become self-sacrifi cing ministers.
When t ho parents are old and useless, the children be-
come their self-sacrificing servants.

Tlms th e discipline of the family state is one of daily
· self-devotion of the stronger and wiser to elevate and sup·
port the weaker members. Nothing could be more con-
trary to its :first principles than for the older and more
capable children to combine to secure to th emselves the
l1ighest advantages, enforcing the drudgeries on. the young-
er , at the sacrifice of th eir equal cul t ure. ·

J eaus Christ came to teach the fatherhood of God and
consequent brotherhood of m an. H e came as the “:first-
born Son ” of God and th e Elder Broth er of man, to t each
by example the self-sacrifice by which the great family of
man is t o b e r aised to equalit y of advantages as children
of G od. F or this end, he “humbled himself” from the
high est to tl1 e lowest place. He chose for his birthplace the
most despised village ; for his parents the lowest in rank;
for his trade, to labor with his hands as a carpen ter , being
” subject t o his parents ” thirty years. And, what is very

TUB OHRJS’I’U.N F.A MTLY. 19

significant, his trade was that which prepares the family
home, as if he would teach that the great duty of man is
labor-to provide for and train weak and ignorant crea-
tures. Jesus Christ worked with his hands n early thirty
years, and preache4 less than three. And he taught that
his kingdom is exactly opposite to that of the world,
where all are striving for the highest positions. “Whoso
will be great shall be your minister, and whoso will be
ehiefest shall be servant of all.”

The family state then, is the aptest earthly illustration
of the heavenly kingdom, and in it woman is its chief
minister. Her great mission is self-denial, in training its
members to self-sacrificing labors for the ignorant and
weak : if not her own children, then the neglected chil-
dren of her Father in heaven. She is to rear all under her
care to lay up treasures, not on ear th, but in heaven. All
the pleasures of this life end here ; but those who train
immortal minds are to reap the fruit of their labor through
eternal ages.

To man is appointed the out-door labor- to till the earth,
dig the mines, toil in the foundri es, traverse the ocean,
transport merchandise, labor in manufactories, construct
houses, conduct civil, municipal, and state affairs, and all
the heavy work, which, most of the day, excludes him from
the comforts of a home. But the great stimulus to all
these t<)ils, implanted in the heart of every true man, is
the desire for a home of his own, and the hopes of pater-
nity. Every man who truly lives for immortality responds
to the beatitude, “Children are a heritage from the Lord:
blessed is the man that hath hls quiver full of them!”
The more a fath er and mother live under the influence of .
that “immortality which Christ hath brought to light,”
the more is the blessedness of rearing a family understood
and appreciated. Every child trained aright is to dwell
forever in exalted bliss with those that gave it life and
trained it for heaven •

20

The blessed privileges of the family state are not con·
fined to those who rear children of their own. .A:ny wo·
man who can earn a livelihood, as every woman should be
trained to do, can take a properly qualified. female asso-
ciate, and institute ·a family of her own, receiving to its
heavenly influences the orphan, the sick, ·the homeless,
and the sinful, and by motherly devotion train them to
follow the self-denying example of Christ, in educating
l1is earthly children for true happiness in this life and for
his eternal home.

And such is the blessedness of aiding to sustain a truly
Christian home, that no one comes so near the pattern of
the All-perfect One as those who might hold what men call
a higher place, and yet humble themselves to the lowest in
order to aid in training the young, “not as men-pleasers,
but as servants to Christ, with good-will doing service as
to the Lorq, and not to men.” Such are preparing for
high places in the kingdom of heaven. “Whosoever will
be chiefest among yon, let him be your servant.”

It is often the case that the true hnmility of Christ .is
not understood. It was not in having a low opinion of his
own character and claims, but jt was in taking a low place
iu order to raise others to a higher. The worldling seeks
to raise himself and family to an equality with others, or,
if possible, a superiority to them. The true follower of
Christ comes down in order to elevate others.

The maxims and institutions of this world have ever
been antagonistic to the teachings and example of J esns
Christ. Men toil for wealth, honor, and power, not as
means for raising others to an equality with themselves,
but mainly for earthly, selfish advantages. Although the
experience of this lifo shows that children brought up to
labor have the fairest chance for a virtuous and prosperous
life, and for hope of future eternal blessedness, yet it is tho
aim of most parents who can do so, to lay up wealth that
their children need not )abor with the hands ae Christ did •

• •

oy Coogle

:I’HE CHRISTIAN P.AMTLr.

And although exhorted by our Lord not to lay up treasure
on earth, but rather the imperishable riches which are
gained in toiling to train the ignorant and refo~m the sin-
ful, as yet a large portion of the professed followers of

Christ, like his first disciples, are “slow of heart to be-
lieve.”

Not less have the sacred ministries of the family state
been underval ned and warred upon in other directions;
for example, the Romish Church has made celibacy a
prime virtue, and given its highest honors to those who
forsake the family state as ordained by God. Thus came
great communities of monks and nuns, shut out from the
love and labors of a Ohristian home ; thus, also, came the
monkish systems of education, collecting the young in
great establishments away from the watch and care of
parents, and the healthful and self-sacrificing labors of a
home. Thus bot~ religion and education have conspired
to degrade the family state.

Still more have civil laws and social customs been op-
posed to the principles of Jesus Christ. It has ever .been
assumed that the learned, the rich, and the powerful are
not to labor with the hands, as Christ did, and as Paul
did when he would “not eat any man’s bread for nailght,
but wrought with labor, not because we have not power”
[to live without hand-work,] “but to make ourselves an
example.” (2 Th~ss. 3.)

Instead of this, manual labor has been made dishonora-
ble and unrefined by being forced on the ignorant and
poor. Especially has the tpost important of all hand-ltv
bor, that which sustains the family, been thus disgraced;
so that to nurse young children, and provide the food of a
family by labor, is deemed the lowest of ·all positions in
honor and profit, and the last resort of poverty. And so
our Lord, who himself took the form of a servant, teaches,
”How hardly shall they that have riches enter the king-
dom of heaven !”-that kingdom in which all are ‘toiling

,

D~g1t1z d by Coogle

THE .A !CEBICAN WO.JCA.N S HOME •

to raise the weak, ignorant, and sinful to such equality
with themselves as the children of a loving family enjoy.
One mode in which riches have led to antagonism with
the true end of the family state is in the style of living,
by which the hand-labor, most important to health, com-
fort, and beauty, is confined to the most ignorant and neg-
lected members of society, without any effort being made
to raise them to equal advantages with the wise and cul
tivated.

And, the higher civilization has advanced, tho tnor-
have children been trained to feel that to labor, as did
Christ and Paul, is disgraceful, and to be made the por-
tion of a degraded class. Children of the rich grow up
with the feeling that servants are to work for them, and
they themselves are not to work. T o the minds of most
children and servants, “to be a lady,” is almost synony-
mous with “to be waited on, and do no work.” It is the
earnest desire of the authors of this volume to make plain
the falsity of this growing popular feeling, and to show
how- much happier and more efficient family life will
become when it is st1·engthened, sustained, and adorned
by family work •

by Coogle

II. •

A CHRISTIAN HOCBE.

IN the Divine Word it is wrHten, “The wise woman build-
eth her house.” To be “wise,” is “to choose the best
means for accomplishing the best end.” It bas beon shown
that the best end for a woman t{) seek is the training of •
God’s children for their eternal home, by guiding them to
intelljgence, virtue, and true happiness. When, therefore,
the wise woman seeks a home in which to exercise this

D~qJt oo oy Coogle

24- THE AMERICAN WOlCAN’S HOJCE.

ministry, she will aim to secure a h ouse so planned that it
will provide in the best manner for health, industry, and
economy, those cardinal requisites of domestic enjoyment
.and success. To aid in this, is the obj ect of the following
drawings and descriptions, which will illustrate a style of
living more conformed to the great design for which the
family is instituted than that which ordinarily prevails
among those classes which take the lead in forming the
customs of society. The aim will be to exhibit modes of
economizing l abor, time, and e:llenses, so as to secure
health , thrift, and domestic happiness to p ersons of limited
m eans, in a measure rarely attained even by those who
possess wealth.

At the head of this chapter is a sketch of what m ay be
p roperly called a Christian house ; that is, a house con-
trived for the express purpose of enabling every member
of a family to labor with the hands for the common good,
and by modes at once healthful, economical, and tasteful.

Of course, much of the instruction conveyed in the fol –
l owi ng pages is chiefly appH cable to the wants and habit~
of those living either in the country or in such suburban·
vicinities as give space of ground for healthful outdoor
occupation in the fan1ily service, although the general
principles of house-building and house-keeping are of ne-
cessity universal in their application- as true in the busy
confines of the city as in the freer and purer quietude of
the country. So far as circumstances can be made to
y ield the oppor t unity, it will be assumed that the family
state demands some outdoor labor for all. The cultiva-
tion of flowers to ornament the t able and h ouse, of fruita
nnd vegetables for food, of silk and cotton for clothing,
and the care of horse, cow, an~ dairy, can be so divided
that each and all of the famil y, some part of the day.,
can take exercise in the pure air, under the llUlgnetic and .
h ealthful rays of the sun. Every head of a family should
seek a soil and climate which will afford such opportuni-

—–·—·-

oy Coogle

d CHRISTIAN HO(l 8E. 25

ties. Railroads, en~bling men toiling in cities to rear
families in the country, are on this account a special bless-
ing. So, also, is the opening of the South to free labor,
where, in the pure and mild climate of the uplands, open-
air labor can proceed most of the year, and women and
children labor out of doors as well as within.

In the following drawings are presented modes of econ-
omizing time, labor, and expense by the close packing of
conveniences. By such methods, small and economical
houses can be made to secure most of the comforts and
many of the refinements of large a.nd expensive ones.
The cottage at the head of this chapter is projected on a
plan which can be ~dapted to a warm or cold climate with
little change. By adding another story, it would serve a
large family.

Fig. 1 shows the ground-plan of the first floor. On the
inside it is forty-three feet long and twenty-five wide, ex··
eluding conservatories and front and back projections. Its
inside height from floor to ceiling is ten feet. The piazzas
eaeh side of the front projection have sliding-windows to
the floor, a.nd can, by glazed sashes, be made green-houses
in winter. In a warm climate, piazzas can be made at the
back side also.

In the description and arrangement, the l eading aim is
to show how time, l abor, and expense are saved, not only
in the building but in furniture and its ·arrangement.
With this aim, the ground-floor and its furniture will :fil’St
be shown, then the second story and its furniture, and
then the basement and its conveniences. Tbe conserva-
tories are appendages not necessary to housekeeping, but
useful in many ways pointed out more at large in other
chapters.

The entry has arched r ecesses bel1ind tlte front doors,
(Fig. 2,) furnish ed with hooks for over-clothes in both-~
box for over-s]wes i n one, and a stand for urn brcllns in the
other. The r oof of the rec~s is fpr st~t~ettes, busts, or

D~g1t1z d by Coogle

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28 THE A .liE RICAN JVOJ!AN’S H OME.

prevent the absorption of the varnish, a wash of gwu-
isinglass (fish-glue) must be applied twice .

• Fl;. 4 .

I I i—-.1 I

l),

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Fig. 5 shows the back or inside of th e mo,·able screen,
toward the part of the room used as the b edroom. On
o~e side, and at tho top and bottom, it l1as shelves with
ihelf-boxes, which are cheaper and better th an drawer s,
and much preferred by t hose using th em. llandles are
cut in th o front and back side, a seen in F ig. 6. H alf an
in ch sp ace must be between the box and the shelf over it,
and ns much each side, so th a t it can be t aken out and
put in easily. The central part of the scr een’s interior i ~
a wardrobe.

This screen m1st be so hi~h as n early t o r each th e
ceiling , in order to prevent it from overturnir~g. It is t o
fill the ‘~idth of the r oom , except t wo feet on each side.
A. projectin~ cleat or strip, r eaching nearly to the t op of

b Google

——~2-
1

7–· .. —

30 THE .AMERIC.A.N WOAUN’S HOME.

screen by rings, on a strong wire. The curtain should be
in three parts, with lead or large nails in the h ems to
k eep it in place. The wood-work must be put together
with screws, as the screen is too large to pass through a
door.

At the end of the room, behind the screen, are two
couch es, to be run one under the oth er , as in Fig. 7. The

Fig. 7.

upper one is made with four posts, each three feet high
and three inch es square, set on casters two inch es high .
The fram e is to be fom·t een inches from the floor, seven
feet long , hvo feet four inches wide, and three inches i n
thiclmess. At the head, and at the foot, is to be screwed
a notched two-in ch board, three in ch es wide, as in Fig. 8.

Flg . 8.

( I ~Jl,…..,l l i J

The m ortises are t o be one inch
wide and deep, and one inch apart,
to receive slats made of ash oak,
or spruce, one inch square, placed .

lengthwise of the couch. The slats being small, and so
near t ogeth er and runn1ng leng thwise, make a better
spring frame than wire coils. If they warp they can be
turned. They must n ot be fast ened at the ends except
by insertion in the n otches. Across t.he posts and of equal
height with them, are to be screwed h ead and foot-boards .

oy Google

• •

A CJJIBISTIAN HOUSE. 31

The under couch is like the upper, except these dimen-
sions: posts, nine inches high, including castors; frame,
six feet two inches long, two feet four inches wide. The
frame should be as near the floor as possible, resting on

the casters. •
The most healthful and comfortable mattress is made

• •

by a. case, open in
the centre and
fastened together
with buttons, as
in Fig. 9 ; to be
filled with oat

straw, which is softer than wheat or rye. This can be,
adjusted to the figure, and often renewed.

Fig. 10 represents the upper couch when covered, with
the under couch put beneath it. Tho coverlid should
match the curtain of the screen; and the pillows, by day,
should have a case of the same. ·

Fig. 10. Fig. 11 .

. l I
“‘-

Fig. 11 is an ottoman~ made as a box, with a lid on
hinges. A cushion is fastened to this lid by strings at
each corner, passing through holes in the box lid and tied
inside. The cushion to be cut square, with side pieces;
stuffed with hair, and stitched through like a mattress.
Side handles are made by cords fastened inside with knots.
The box must be two inches larger at the bottom than
at . the top, and the lid and cushion the same size as the
bottom, to give it a tasteful shnpe. This ottoman is set
on casters, and is a great convenience for holding articles,
while serving also as a seat. .

DIQ1t1zea by Coogle

32 THE .AMERIC.&N WO.JU.N’S HOJCB.

The expense of the screen, where lnm ber averages U a
hundred, and carpenter labor $3 a day, would be about
$30, and the two couches about $6. The material for
covering ~ght be cheap and yet pretty. A woman w:th
these directions, and a son or husband who would use plane

·and saw, could thus secure much additional room, and
also what amounts to two bureaus, two lar_ge trunks, one
large wardrobe, and a wash-stand, for less than $20 the
mere cost of materials. The screen and couches can be
so arranged as to have one room serve first as a large and
airy sleeping-room; then, in the morning, it may be used
as sitting-room one side of the screen, and breakfast-room
the other; and lastly, through the day it can be made a
large parlor on the front side, and a sewing or r etiring-
room the other side~ The needless spaces usually devoted
to kitchen, entries, halls, back-stairs, pantries, store-rooms,
and closets, by this method would be used in adding to
the size of the large room, so variously u sed by day and
by rught.

Fig. 12 is an enlarged plan of the kitchen and stove-
room. The chimney and stove-room are ·contrived to
ventilate the whole house, by a mode exhibited in another
chapter.

Between the two rooms glazed sliding-doors, passing
each other, serve to shut out heat and smells from the
kitchen. The sides of the stove-room must be lined with
shelves; those on the side by the cellar stairs, to be one
foot wide, and eighteen inches apart; on the other side,
shelves may be narrower, eight inches wide and nine
inches apart. Boxes with lids, to receive stove utensils,
must be placed near the stove.

On these sh elves, and in the closet and boxes, can be
placed every material used for cooking, all the table and
cooking utensils, and all the articles u sed in house work,
and yet much spar e room will be left. The cook’s galley
in a steamship bas every article and utensil used in cook-

by Coogle

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Domesticity in Colonial India

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Domesticity in Colonial India

What Women Learned
when Men Gave Them Advice

JUDITH E. WALSH

ROWMAN AND LITTLEFIELD PUBLISHERS, INC.
Lanham � Boulder � New York � Toronto � Oxford

Pub: Set word
‘when’ in lower
case as per
MSP. OK?

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ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD PUBLISHERS, INC.

Published in the United States of America
by Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.
A wholly owned subsidiary of The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc.
4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, Maryland 20706
www.rowmanlittlefield.com

P.O. Box 317, Oxford OX2 9RU, United Kingdom

Copyright C© 2004 by Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval
system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical,
photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Printed in the United States of America

∞©TM The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American
National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library
Materials, ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992.

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For Ned and Sita

“Should anything written for the race of women
Be given to anyone other than you?”

Dh≠rendranÅth PÅl, 1884

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Contents

List of Illustrations ix

List of Abbreviations xi

Acknowledgments xiii

A Note on Translation and Transliteration xvii

Introduction 1

1 Global Domesticity 11

2 Domesticity in Colonial Calcutta 31

3 Rewriting Patriarchy: The Companionate Marriage 51

4 Will the Education Woman Still Cook and Scour Plates? 63

5 What’s Love Got to Do with It? 87

6 The Well-Ordered Home 113

7 What Women Learned: Rewriting Patriarchy, Writing the
Nation and the Self 141

Epilogue 163

Appendix A: Conversations with the Wife [Str≠r sahit kathopakathan] 167

Appendix B: A Husband’s Advice to His Wife [Str≠r prati svam≠r upade±] 177

Appendix C: The Lak„m≠ of the Home [GŸha Lak„m≠] 181

Appendix D: The Duties of Women [Ramaϭr kartavya] 187

Appendix E: Woman’s Dharma [NÅr≠ dharma] 195

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viii Contents

Supporting Translations: A Note on Bengali Domestic
Manuals and Their Authors 203

Brief Glossary 205

References 209Pub: Changed
word
Bibliography to
References as
per Chapter.

Index 223

About the Author 000

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Illustrations

2.1: R. C. Dutt’s granddaughter, age ten, ca. 1910. Detail
from a wedding photo. Reproduced with permission
from Mrs. Kabita Sen. 44

5.1: Detail from a Murshidabad scroll portraying Ghor
Kali, the Hindu apocalypse, second half of the
nineteenth century. C© Copyright The British Museum.
OA.1955.1-8. 097. 91

5.2: The Lady Clerk, early twentieth century. Cartoon by
Binoy Kumar Bose. Reprinted with permission from
Chandranath Chattopadhyay. 99

6.1: Mending a Sock. From chapter 4, “Making Useless
Things Useful,” of Giribala Mitra’s (1888) The Duties of
Women (81–82). 133

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Abbreviations

The following abbreviations are used for the most frequently quoted Bengali
manuals.

MS BandyopÅdhyÅy, CaœØicaraœ. 1887. MÅ o chele [Mother and Son].
Calcutta: Sahitya Sangsad.

BWa Bi±vÅs, TÅraknÅth. 1887. BaÙgiya mahilÅ [The Bengali Woman]. 2nd ed.
Calcutta: Rajendralal Biswas.

WD DÅs≠, NagendrabÅlÅ (Mustoph≠). 1900. NÅr≠ dharma [Woman’s Dharma].
Calcutta: Self-published.

EG DÅs≠, Nav≠nkÅl≠. 1883. KumÅr≠ ±ik„Å [Education for Girls]. Calcutta: Self-
published.

BWb Gupta, Pârœacandra. 1885. BÅÙgÅl≠ bau [The Bengali Wife]. Calcutta:
A. K. Banerji.

DW Mitra, JayakŸ„œa. 1890. Ramaœ≠r kartavya [The Duties of Women].
Calcutta: GiribÅlÅ Mitra.

HAW Mitra, Satyacaraœ. 1884. Str≠r prati svam≠r upade± [A Husband’s Advice
to His Wife]. Calcutta: Victoria Printing Works.

CWW PÅl, DhirendranÅth. 1883. Str≠r sahit kathopakathan [Conversations with
the Wife]. Calcutta: Vaishnav Charan Vasak.

LH RÅycaudhur≠, GirijÅprasanna. 1888. GŸha lak„m≠ [The Lak„m≠ of the
Home]. 2nd ed. Calcutta: Gurudas Chatterji.

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Acknowledgments

O
ver the past twenty odd years I have worked on this project, we have—it and
I—accumulated many debts. I am grateful for all the help I received from both

individuals and institutions that made the completion of this book possible.
I received funding for this work from a number of sources. In the 1980s, the

American Institute of Indian Studies funded several summer trips (1980, 1983) and
a year’s residence in Calcutta (1989–1990) during which I first read the Bengali
manuals on which this book is based. The AIIS staff in Chicago; its India director,
Pradeep Mehendiratta (and, more recently, his daughter, Purnima Mehta); and
their Delhi staff made traveling to and working in India easier than it should
be. In Calcutta, Tarun Mitra (and, more recently, Aditi Sen) and their fine staff
made the Calcutta AIIS office a place where all problems could be solved and
its Swinhoe Street guesthouse a “home away from home” for me and my family.
In the United States, the National Endowment for the Humanities funded a year
of translation work on the manuals (1992–1993) and then gave me an additional
semester (2001) to finish the book. I am grateful for the endowment’s support
and particularly for helpful comments and suggestions made by its staff and its
anonymous grant readers over the years. At my own college, SUNY Old Westbury,
four stipends from the Old Westbury Foundation (1991, 1992, 1999, 2002) funded
work with language consultants, bought materials, and helped support the search
for illustrations for the book. I am grateful to the foundation for this support, to
its hardworking faculty committee, to P. J. Harlow, our grants officer, and to the
foundation staff.

In India many have aided and advised me on this project. In my early days
of working at the National Library (and after), the late Ashin Dasgupta gave me
wise advice and helpful encouragement. Uma Dasgupta has also been a long-
standing friend to me, my family, and of this project. I gave an early paper on this
project at a Presidency College seminar organized by Rajat Ray and since then have
benefited greatly from his insights, knowledge of the period, and friendship. During
1989–1990 I was helped by conversations with Jasodhara Bagchi at Jadhavpur
University and over the years have had useful discussions with Bharati Ray of
Calcutta University and Kumkum Sangari of the Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Lakshmi Subramaniam, now at the Centre for the Study of the Social
Sciences Calcutta, has made useful suggestions in many different contexts over

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xiv Acknowledgments

the years. Most recently, Abhijit Bhattacharya, also of the centre, helped me survey
the centre’s rich collection of visual materials for this period. In addition, I greatly
appreciated the thoughtful insights on and critique of the book that came from an
anonymous OUP Delhi reader. Finally, I owe a special debt of thanks to Professor
Minati Kar of Visva Bharati University, who translated the Sanskrit passages that
appeared in some manuals. Professor Bhavani Prosaad Bhattacharya of Jadhavpur
University also helped Professor Kar with some translations and I thank him too
for his efforts.

In the United States, Gail Minault has critiqued this project in a number of dif-
ferent contexts over the years—always to its betterment. I greatly appreciate her
comments and insights. Rachel McDermott helped with ideas and good judgment
at many critical junctures and I thank her for those and for her continued friend-
ship over the years. Antoinette Burton took the time to read several chapters in
draft and I very much appreciated her comments and our conversations. Lou Ratte
was an incisive and kind reader of this book’s earliest version. Over the past three
years, I have been greatly helped in thinking through this project’s theoretical un-
derpinnings by the lectures and discussions led by a sterling collection of scholars
brought together by Lou and John Ratte at the Hill Center for World Studies in
Ashfield, Massachusetts, and by many talks and conversations with Lou and John
themselves. At Old Westbury, I owe thanks particularly to Jon Collett, Al Rabil,
and Mervyn Keiser for their support and help at various stages of this project. I
thank Susan McEachern, my editor at Rowman and Littlefield, for her enthusiasm
for this project and her suggestions along the way.

This book—and the translations it includes—could never even have been at-
tempted were it not for the skill and assistance of Hena Basu in Calcutta, who was
somehow always able to find a necessary illustration or citation or to have a read-
able, faithful hand copy made of a particularly important source. I am thoroughly
grateful for all her work. In Calcutta, Mrs. Sipra Chatterji was (along with her
husband, the late Dr. Suhas Chatterji) my Bengali teacher in 1978–1979 and read
(without laughing) my earliest efforts to translate from these manuals. In 1989–
1990, Ms. Sujaya Sen was my research assistant in Calcutta and read selected
passages with me during many long and wonderful afternoon teas. In 1992–1993
Ms. Sucharita Guha and I had long, funny, thought-provoking conversations about
the manuals, Bengali, and Bengal as she read my translations against their Bengali
originals. Finally in 1999 Mrs. Meenakshi Datta also read some new translations
against their originals and gave me helpful comments. The errors that have crept in
are certainly mine alone—no one could have had wiser or more helpful colleagues.

Finally and above all, this book and I have both profited enormously from the
advice, help, critical acumen, good humor, and general intelligence and thought-
fulness of Ainslie Embree. Readers of this book can never fully know the many
ways it is better for his careful readings. In a world full of smart, clever, helpful
people, Ainslie is simply the smartest, the cleverest, the best. I thank him for his
encouragement and help.

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Acknowledgments xv

It is summer as I write this and my husband and I are building closets into the
odd-shaped spaces of our house. Our efforts are not nearly as ingenious as those
of some manualists discussed in this book—but as it has become a long-standing
family joke that the more I read Bengali manuals, the less I learn from them, I
am hoping to accrue some domestic virtue from our efforts. Still I doubt it would
be enough. For while my family has enjoyed some of the perks of this project—
most particularly a wonderful year we all spent in India in 1989–1990—they have
also had to suffer its demands and disruptions. However “orderly” the topic, the
production of a book is a messy, irritating, time-consuming process. For all these
reasons, I dedicate this volume to my husband, Ned, and our daughter, Sita—with
grateful thanks for their continued help, comments, insights, and ideas along the
way, and in recognition of the fact that the time this project consumed was in no
way mine alone.

Lower Highland Lake
Goshen, Massachusetts
August 2003

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A Note on Translation
and Transliteration

T
he translations appended to this book have been selected from a genre of late
nineteenth-century Bengali language domestic manuals held in the collections

of the National Library, the Bangiya Sahitya Parishad, the Ramakrishna Mission
(all in Calcutta), and the India Office in London. I include selections from several
different texts here in order to give readers a “taste” of manual literature, its
preoccupations and concerns.

As my goal was to translate these selections as historical texts, I have resisted
the temptation to improve them—attempting rather to convey the style and fashion
of each manual, while still hoping to produce readable, colloquial English. If this
seems simple enough, it was also a goal that could sometimes prove maddeningly
elusive.

All the translations here were read against their Bengali originals in several
different contexts by one or another of the Bengali language consultants who
worked with me on this project: in 1989–1990 by Ms. Sujaya Sen of Calcutta, at
the time a graduate student at Calcutta University; in 1992–1993 by Ms. Sucharita
Guha, then Columbia University’s Bengali language instructor; and in 1999 by
Mrs. Meenakshi Datta of New York and Calcutta. The comments and insights
of these three colleagues and our extended discussions taught me a great deal
about the world the manuals inhabited and saved me from many errors along the
way. Small residues of our conversations survive in comments and observations
included among the notes to this book.

Transliteration. As there is no standard method for transliterating the Bengali
alphabet, each translator must chose (as Kripal, among others, points out) whether
he or she wants the work to connect with the broader Sanskrit traditions of Hindu
India or to have a more local and regional focus. Names, words, and expres-
sions—Lak„m≠ (the goddess of fortune), vrata (a vow), or gŸha lak„m≠ (the goddess
of the home/a virtuous housewife)—when transliterated as above, reference the
Sanskritic Hindu tradition known throughout India. Since I wanted these Bengali
manuals (and their gender and family relations) to be seen within the wider context
of domestic and family relations throughout India, I have used the more Sanskri-
tized transliteration throughout. Yet I am aware, and readers should also be aware,
of the extent to which this choice elides the local, ignoring the not insignificant
fact that, in the thoughts and speech of the Bengal region, Lak„m≠ is “lokkhi,” ÷iva

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xviii A Note on Translation and Transliteration

is “÷ib,” vrata is “broto,” and gŸha lak„m≠ is “griho lokkhi.” (One exception to my
transliteration scheme occurs in the name of one manual author; I use TÅraknÅth
Bi±vÅs—not Vi±vÅs—though I concede that this spelling only nods in the direction
of the locally correct pronunciation of his name.)

Some smaller matters are also worth noting. I have, in keeping with the
broader Sanskrit practice, retained a final “a” for words such as MÅhÅbhÅrata
and RÅmÅyaœa (two Hindu epics) and for RÅmÅ and ÷iva (two Hindu gods). But I
have dropped the unsounded “a” from many Bengali names and words, thus I write
Ke±abcandra, CaœØicaraœ, and TÅraknÅth (not than Ke±abacandra, CaœØicaraœa,
and TÅrakanÅtha). I have also replaced nineteenth-century Bengali spellings with
modern Bengali spellings where these occurred. Finally, in most cases where
Bengali or Indian words have found a place in Merriam-Webster’s Third New
International Dictionary, I have used that spelling in the place of transliteration in
this book.

The TransIndic font used to print this work is available from Linguists Soft-
ware, Inc., PO Box 580, Edmonds, WA 98020-0580; USA tel (425) 775-1130;
www.linguistsoftware.com.

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1

Global Domesticity

All households, English and foreign, may be classed under one of the following
headings:-1st. Orderly and clean; 2nd. Clean but not orderly; 3rd. Dirty. We have
found the first among the poorest, the third among the richest.

—The Englishwoman’s Domestic Magazine, 1874 (Beetham 1996, 62)

Sweet dreams will come more readily when everything’s in its place.

—From “Bedroom Makeover,” marthastewart.com (Stewart 2000)

D
uring the nineteenth century, a collection of middle-class European ideas and
practices on home and family life became a globally hegemonic discourse on

domesticity.1 Over the course of the century, as this discourse grew in global influ-
ence and significance, traces and variants of its ideological and practical concerns
could be found in advice literature and other writings on home and family life pub-
lished in England and the United States, as well as in colonial settings as diverse as
India and Africa. In the modern world, certainly by the late twentieth century, the
principals, practices, and paraphernalia associated with the correct reproduction
of a properly “domestic” home and family life were equally visible in indigenous
South Asian television commercials and in the two-hundred-million-dollar multi-
media empire of Martha Stewart, the “queen of domesticity” in turn-of-the-century
America (Roy 1998; Ducille 1998, 280, 293). In contemporary society, one scholar
suggests, domesticity can be understood as “a universal phenomenon just as im-
precisely and yet accurately as patriarchy can be understood to be a staple feature
of social organization all over the globe today” (George 1998, 3). It is with the ori-
gins of this (now) “universal phenomenon” that I begin. My starting point for this
study of changing family and gender relations in late nineteenth-century India and
Bengal is the global, transnational domestic discourse of the nineteenth century
and its impact, through advice literature, on reading women throughout the world.

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12 Chapter 1

EUROPEAN ORIGINS

In origin, scholars are generally agreed, domesticity was a discourse of the
nineteenth-century European middle classes—a set of ideas about the proper order-
ing of home and family relations integral to bourgeois ideology and self-identify
and linked by most contemporary scholarship with the beginnings of industrializa-
tion, industrial capitalism, and the new modes of production of the late eighteenth
and early nineteenth centuries (Luke 1989; Davidoff and Hall 1987; Comaroff
and Comaroff 1992). Central to this domestic discourse was a conviction that
the “natural” order of human relations involved a patriarchal family system with
a gendered separation of spheres of activity and the husband at the head of the
family unit (Davidoff and Hall 1987). Men left the home for public work on the
“outside”; women remained “at home” to order and manage the private, domestic
realm. As these gendered “separate spheres” were further delineated throughout
the nineteenth century, home came to be imagined as a husband’s refuge from a
public world of work and employment. Wives came to be seen as the ministering
“angel(s) of the house”: guardians of order and organization in the household,
superior moral forces in shaping the lives and characters of children—and best
friends, companions, soul mates, and constant sources of solace and comfort for
their husbands.

As a product of nineteenth-century bourgeois ideology, domesticity was a sec-
ular discourse, one deeply imprinted with Enlightenment themes of order, reason,
and science. System, order, and efficiency were seen to be essential components of
daily domestic life, elements that must of necessity inform all the practices to which
that life gave rise. The proper ordering of home and family life would come from
the application of science and scientific methodologies to the domestic sphere.
At the same time, the ambitions of nineteenth-century European bourgeois classes
to see themselves as universally hegemonic led them to promote domesticity (as
well as reason, citizenship, and market economics) as a natural and universal
category of human life.2 Thus, while nineteenth-century domesticity still owed
something of the intensity of its convictions to earlier Christian and Protestant tra-
ditions, it justified its ideological principles and sociological separations primarily
through principles of natural law.3 Domesticity was seen to be the natural order
in which human relations should occur, the universal (indeed, the only) civilized
standard for home and family life. The choice, as the Englishwoman’s Domestic
Magazine succinctly put it, was either cleanliness or dirt.

DOMESTICITY AS CIVILIZING MISSION

European bourgeois domestic discourse was able to move into a global role as
a naturalized and universal standard of family life through the interactions and
complex exchanges of the nineteenth-century’s colonial and imperial relationships.

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Global Domesticity 13

Here it is crucial to understand these relationships not just as the impact of the
imperial and the Western on and in the colony but also as the multiple ways in
which colony and metropole mutually influenced each other. To understand the
implications and ramifications of the social, cultural, intellectual, and economic
interactions brought about by imperialism, as Cooper and Stoler insist, “metropole
and colony, colonizer and colonized, need to be brought into one analytic field”
(1997, 15).

Europe’s colonies were never empty spaces to be made over in Europe’s image or
fashioned in its interests; nor, indeed, were European states self-contained entities
that at one point projected themselves overseas. Europe was made by its imperial
projects, as much as colonial encounters were shaped by conflicts within Europe
itself.4

Nineteenth-century domestic discourse was created through the dialogue and
dialectic of metropole and colony and within each. In the colonies, bourgeois
domestic discourse and the practices to which it gave rise were incorporated into
the civilizing mission of colonialism itself (Comaroff and Comaroff 1992, 44;
Cooper and Stoler 1997, 32; Minault 1998, 57). In the task of bringing indigenous
peoples into the modern world, the habits of daily life, the intimacies of human
family relationships—“the elementary forms of life: the habits of heart and home,”
as the Comaroffs put it—were seen as key: “No usage was too unimportant, no
activity too insignificant to escape the stern gaze of the civilizing mission. . . . The
basis of universal civility was bourgeois domesticity” (1992, 44).

To understand the significance of domestic and daily practice within colonial
worlds, I join a number of scholars who use Pierre Bourdieu’s ideas on the signif-
icance of daily life and behavior in the coding and reading of social status within
communities. Bourdieu’s theories suggest that even minor social conventions and
practices give a “sense of one’s place” in society and provide aesthetic markers
and practices by which members of communities identify their own and others’
hierarchical positions (Bourdieu 1977, 72–96, 159–198; Moran 1992, 99). In the
context of Bourdieu’s work, the habits of daily and home life can never be con-
sidered “merely” domestic. Rather they function as the “habitus,” the “durably
installed generative principle of regulated improvisations” by which humans con-
sciously and unconsciously produce and respond to the “commonsense world”
within which they live (Bourdieu 1977, 78–80).

“Every established order tends to produce . . . the naturalization of its own ar-
bitrariness,” Bourdieu writes (1977, 164). Within enclosed and self-referential
(traditional) systems, the natural and social world appear self-evident (doxa) and
their principles of operation remain largely invisible. Only when disrupted by
a competing system—such as, Bourdieu suggests, class conflict or imperial and
colonial dominations—does what is “undiscussed” and “undisputed” break apart
into the opposing fields of orthodoxy and heterodoxy. Then, although the orthodox
attempts to restore the earlier unconscious and unarguable state of doxa, in fact,
it exists only with reference to and in argumentation with the alternatives made

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14 Chapter 1

apparent in “heterodoxy.” In such moments of conflict, all aspects of human life
become contested; religion, political and social power, the daily and domestic, the
way one cleans a wall or brushes one’s teeth, all are in play, part of a “universe of
discourse (or argument)” (159–171).

Here, I want to use these ideas (as others have) to underline the significance of
the everyday, the ordinary—the “habits of home and hearth,” the way a woman took
a bath or swept a floor, for example—in the contestations of nineteenth-century
colonial relationships. The political and economic impositions of Western imperi-
alism in that century broke the self-referential (quasi) doxic systems of both colony
and metropole; these breaks problematized all areas of human life and produced
noisy assertions (the loudest and most successful from metropolitan centers) of
universality and natural order, in part as a response to a sudden awareness of the
possibility of heterodoxy (in part, more simply, to justify imperial predations). In
metropolitan (colonial and imperial) efforts to reassert civilizational wholeness,
no area of life could be exempt or insignificant. Every aspect of human practice—
every lived action and experience—was capable of challenging this wholeness.
Thus, domesticity and its related practices offered colonizers infinite opportuni-
ties for social alignment and stratification: an inappropriate item of clothing, a
misplaced accent in speech, continued use of an indigenous mode of household
organization, all could be (and were) read as markers of inferior social status.
(Even as, at the same time, each also served to remind colonizers of heterodox
possibilities suddenly available.)

Not surprisingly then, the overseas lives of European missionaries and
colonists—their homes, their families, their daily domestic acts—all came to fig-
ure as props in the “civilizing mission” and became part of the politics of colonial
domination (Hansen 1992a, 3–4). English and European homes in the colonies
stood as public demonstrations of the virtues of Victorian domesticity; the women
who ran them participated in a “public domesticity” of empire (David 1999, 569;
George 1998, 50–51). When, in 1856, the wife of the governor general of India
decorated Government House in Calcutta with 459 yards of imported English
rose-chintz, she joined a host of European women in colonies whose lives and
activities existed as active demonstrations of the superiority of the colonizing cul-
tures (David 1999, 569). The women who “grew pansies in Simla, served tea in
Ceylon, arranged croquet parties in Jamaica, buried children, endured the heat,
[and] …